Kosovo lives: Not gone with the wind

Courtesy BBC

The three women thought they would be left alone in Urosevac after the war because there were no men in their house

In the fifth and final piece by BBC journalists on life in Kosovo today, Patrick Jackson meets three Slovenian-Serb women who intend to be the bane of K-For's life until they regain their ancestral home.

Their great-grandfather built Urosevac, the Nikolic daughters like to say, so how can they leave it now?

Sani (Santipa), the very image of mildness and physical slightness, beams mischievously at the memory of how she floored a US soldier with her karate skills, the day K-For came to evacuate her family.

I am not saying she is over 60, because her disabled younger sister Lili (Liljana) reminded me, when I inquired, that you must never ask a lady her age. A smile of assent crossed the mask-like face of their blind mother Dani (Daniela).

However, the soldier's commanding officer was certainly impressed by Sani's resilience, telling her she was "as tough as a Texan lady", according to Lili.

The Americans evacuated them from Urosevac (Ferizaj in Albanian) on 18 March 2004, to save them from Albanian rioters, who then destroyed the house.

But the Nikolic women have refused to join the thousands of other non-Albanians who fled (most of them in June 1999).

They argue that K-For failed to defend their property and removed them against their will, so it should take them back.

And that is how they come to be living today inside a Greek army base outside Urosevac.

Sickbay

The sole civilians to live on a base in K-For's eastern sector have a medical ward to themselves at Camp Rigas Fereos.

The facilities in the room meet the family's basic needs

It is a large, spotlessly clean room equipped with the bare essentials such as a fridge and a microwave oven, but no television set or radio.

From the window they can see only the camp and the mountains in the distance. Some paper religious icons are stuck to the blank white walls.

What personal effects they have seem all to come from charity.

Asked what she misses most from her home, Daniela says her family photographs and her jewellery, including her wedding ring from her husband who died before the war (she had taken it off to wash her hands the morning they were evacuated).

There is also the antique furniture, her library of 1,800 "beautiful books in five languages" and her paintings, especially a 17th-Century Italian Madonna she brought with her from her native Slovenia when she married her Serb husband.

Theirs was a wealthy family in its time, Lili explains. Their great-grandfather helped found Urosevac, a late 19th-Century town that arose around the new Belgrade-Thessaloniki railway, after he persuaded the Turkish authorities to let him build there.

Thessaloniki played a new role in the Nikolic family's history in 2004, when Greek K-For, having sheltered the evacuees at Camp Rigas Fereos for four months, transferred them to its military hospital.

All three women needed specialised medical help.

Life for the women at the base is punctuated by bugle calls

During the evacuation, Lili, paralysed in one leg since a car crash in her youth, was struck by a rioter's stone, which broke her bad knee.

Daniela was already going blind and Sani suffered from arthritis.

Nearly five years of constant stress had also taken its toll.

Their house was placed under 24-hour K-For guard in the summer of 1999 after intruders robbed and beat them.

The last time Sani had left the building was in October 2000, when she slipped past the guards to go to the nearby market.

Some teenage boys recognised her as a Serb and started to beat her. She fought back with her karate, but she says she "did not want to hurt them". She returned home covered in blood.

The boys told the police she had fired a gun at them, she adds, and an Albanian policeman turned up at the house. But when he saw the K-For guards, he just said "no problem" and left, Sani says.

In November last year, the women left the hospital in Thessaloniki and returned to Camp Rigas Fereos at their own request.

Private property

While they were in Greece, new buildings were erected illegally on the site of their property, a prime location in the centre of Urosevac.

We have just this one card left to play, and we are playing it now. We have nothing else to lose Sani Nikolic

Sani says she was phoned by an Albanian when she was still in Thessaloniki, and advised not to try to come back because there was "no room" in the town for her family now.

"I said to him: 'You Albanians want to join the EU and from what I know, the English and the Americans respect private property very much. I don't want yours, I just want my own back. And nobody can deny me that'."

The UN refugee agency has offered them a new home in a village enclave near Urosevac but they are refusing.

"What would I do in a village?" asks Sani, an architect by profession.

"I have never lived in a village. I know nothing about agriculture. I am ill.

"If we agreed to be relocated to a village enclave somewhere, we know that we, like the other IDPs [internally displaced persons], would never get our home back."

The newly elected mayor of Urosevac has taken an interest in their case and visited them at the camp this June. They gave him a file of property deeds.

The mayor pledged to ensure their information was processed through the legal system, K-For says.

Last card

K-For also says the Nikolic family cannot stay on the base indefinitely.

After all the family has suffered, and given their ill-health, age and isolation from other Serbs, I ask the women if it is not better to yield and accept a peaceful existence somewhere other than Urosevac - perhaps in Greece, which has they say, offered them asylum.

How can these three women, so proud and outspoken about their Serbian identity, even think of living again in a town that war turned against them?

They admit themselves that they feel uncomfortable in the camp, ever grateful to the Greek army for its hospitality and ever embarrassed about getting in the soldiers' way.

Sani accepts the difficulty of returning now but her sense of grievance is greater.

"I will be frank," she says.

"We know that we are like a thorn in the side for the Greek camp because as long as we are here, we are a problem they have to resolve.

"But this is the last card we have to play. We have nothing else to lose."

Quick intro of the band members:
Jamie: Guitar
Jesse: Backup Vocals, Guitar
Lee: Bass
Brent: Drums
Me: Lead Vocals, Keyboards/Keytar
James North: Our producer <-- I consider him a band member whilst we're in the studio :D

Guide guitars were done Tuesday morning and Brent started recording drums and knocked over 2.75 songs (ie. nearly finished his 3rd) in half a day! I guess his practice seriously pays off. I mean this guy is determined! And the band is so lucky to have him, especially with the style of music we play. Brent practices a good 4 hours a day, it blows your mind how solid he is at drumming. I mean we even added and changed up parts of the songs we're recording (with James, our producers, help. More on him later) and Brent had no worries changing it up. So on Day 4, Thursday, Brent was done at about noon. We messed about with our songs a lot on Wednesday and Thursday.

Lee started recording Bass in the afternoon of Thursday, but we had to leave early on Thursday so Lee only got about three quarters of a song done. And Lee finished up his 3rd song today, Friday, even though we had to leave early again. James pretty much altered all the bass parts being recorded and made them groovier and cleaner, basically more effective. It all sounds really awesome. So that's where we're at now.

Before i get to the producer, I might mention a few other events, and maybe share some great Insinner EP Studio quotes! (WARNING: Quotes May be Offensive)

Event 1: The Turkey
There's a wild turkey that hangs around James' Studio that he's been trying to get his hands on for years. We were all sitting outside on James' porch eating lunch when the turkey came around. And it was trying to sneak up on James. So I handed James a huge stick and when it came close James swung so hard for it but missed. In the process he dropped his lunch on the ground and snapped the stick lol

So Jamie and I have taken it upon ourselves to catch this turkey. So on Thursday we had a Cornetto wrapper with a bit of chocolate on it. Jamie hid himself behind some chairs that have covers on them so you can't see between their legs or anything, and Jamie covered himself with a chair cover and hid behind these chairs. I would get the turkey's attention and drop the wrapper near Jamie and walk away. Once i walked far enough away the turkey would think it was safe and come and have a look at the wrapper, and that's when Jamie would lunge and grab it... Theoretically.
We came so close one time! The turkey walked up to the wrapper and stuck its head around the chair that Jamie was hiding behind. Apparently it just stared at Jamie for a moment and he jumped up but it flew away. So close!
Then today (Friday) we tried the same technique but it failed again. So i came up with the idea to hide behind the chairs WITHOUT the chair cover covering Jamie. Instead use the chair cover as a net! But unfortunately the turkey was being too cautious so we didn't think we had a chance. That was, until Jamie got fed up and jumped up and chased the turkey into a corner! HAHA! The turkey didn't know what to do! But just as Jamie went for it with the "net" the turkey flew high up in the air and over the fence we cornered it in with. Dang... We'll get him on Monday...

Event 2: 3682
All throughout our recording I would hear this occasional ringing noise, it almost sounded like a telephone. I'd never heard it before in my life. I noticed it on Tuesday and asked Jesse if he could hear it, he said he couldn't. I thought nothing of it. But today I asked James and Lee if they could hear it, because I just wanted to be sure that it wasn't coming through in our mix. It only came occasionally and it was a lot stronger in some parts of the songs. So James went through the songs and asked me where I hear it and we found a section where I could hear it constantly. James and Lee looked at me funny and said they couldn't hear anything. But it was clear as day! Well, i'd been sitting in this seat on the right side of the room everyday, so we thought it might be that spot in the studio. So I got up and walked to different areas of the room and I could still hear it when they played the section of the music that I found it prominent in. Then James goes, "Oh... that's fucked", before he explained that it might be a form of hearing loss and could escalate into a serious case if it was in fact what he thought it was. Basically he said that there could be a frequency that my ears are seriously irritated by and therefore are ringing. So to figure this out he decided to find out what exactly was creating the "bad" frequency. He went through the drums: toms, snare, kick, hi-hat then the cymbals. We narrowed it down to 1 exact cymbal that would set off the ringing. It was narrowed down so much so that we went into the recording room, he picked up the cymbal, smashed it and the ringing began! Lee asked if he could narrow down the exact frequency in Hertz, James said he could. So he went back to the recording, grabbed a section where that particular crash cymbal was hit, and scanned which frequency was the most prominent. It was 3682hz. He then opened a tone producer and made it produce that exact tone. This is where it went downhill, he had the studio monitors turned down, but then he went to turn them up, but he turned it up waaay too loud and that frequency hit my like a punch to the gut. My head felt like it was about to cave in and I had to cover my ears and I screamed for them to stop. They turned the volume all the way down, as in they muted to sound, and i felt so sick. Like i was gonna pass out, throw up, I was hot flushed and everything. Then I the frequency came back again and I was telling him to turn it off, and James is like "It is off" and I could still hear it. It was insanely shit. I had to go outside for a breath of fresh air. So uhh... gonna get my ears checked. James was telling me that there are special ear plugs I can get custom made that cut out a certain frequency band and that'll prevent any more hearing loss. Good idea James.

Event 3: The drive home
UGH! The drives home are gay! Granted, I don't actually drive home I get a lift off Brent, but I feel sorry for him. The studio is just passed Brisbane city and we have to drive there and back, in peak hour traffic everyday and it's pretty crap. I don't see how some people do it every single day. That's it really lol

Quotes:
Quote 1: "Insert a tube?" - James messing up our song title "Incertitude"
Quote 2: "Ahh I dropped the soap" - Lee or Jesse; "Yeah pick it up and I might drop a cock in your arse" - Me
Quote 3: "Lolololololololololololololololololol" - Lee being Lee
Quote 4: "Yeah you bang your drums more than your girlfriend" - Jamie (Maybe)
Quote 5: "It's like a huge wall of 'F*** OFF'" - James' explanation in technical terms
Quote 6: "We should get a tuning fork that rings at 3682hz and chase Jace around the place" - Lee

James North
Anywayz, so i'll do a bit of a spiel (yeah, coz this entry needs it *sarcasm*) on our producer James North. James is pretty awesumo. He's a really kind guy with a sense of humour that can handle our bands crazy ramblings (trust me, you gotta be mentally tough to spend a day with our band, let alone a week or two!). Not only that he's EXTREMELY talented at producing music (not to mention being an amazing multi-instrumentalist). This guy knows exactly what needs to be done to boost the effect of a song. He's brutally honest, to the point that he's convinced us to ditch some of our favourite riffs and restructured some of, what we thought to be, our strongest songs. But the songs have seriously taken an awesome turn, they are so much more powerful than they could ever have been without James. He has taken our music to another level, and not only that, he has shared with us golden information and techniques in terms of songwriting and the music industry. We are going to walk away from this EP with more than just an EP, we will walk away with precious knowledge of where to go from here and we will forever have an invaluable contact.
Now i'd like to be corny and say "we have also made a new friend", but I dunno if it's true or not. Now this is by no means a quick stab at James, allow me to explain!

James is the type of guy the band (i assume) and myself would like to hang out with, I mean it feels as though he fits right in with us and vice versa. He eats lunch with us and shit and we talk about random stuff and its great the sort of relationship we have with him. It feels like he likes us and I know we all like him, but I can't help but think that we are probably just another band to him. Now, don't get me wrong, he hasn't done anything to give this impression, but thinking that someone who makes money off us truly gives a damn about us, our future and our music is just the kinda thing that has always screwed this band over before. James has what we need to get where we want to be; the knowledge of the industry, contacts, and his production skills. Not only that he's just a cool guy.

Now, with this EP, the main thing we want to get is find some sort of management to push us in the right direction, seeing as that is the weakest part of this band at the moment: Direction. I was even suggesting to Brent if we should possibly ask James if he would be interested in managing us. But I came home today and looked on the internet and saw all the other stuff he's been doing with his friends/partners and it just seems as though he's got his own stuff to do. And it really kinda gets me down, i don't know why. It's like, in the hands of James North, we'll get to where we want to be, but it feels like the only way we could do that is if we had enough cash to throw at him, don't get me wrong, its not because he gives the vibe that he's money hungry, but because he seems like he's got his own projects to take care of. And it *seems* like he gives a damn about our music and us, but realistically he produces musicians all year and i've only known him for a few weeks so how would i truly know if he cared? So I dunno if i'll pop him the question or not... (the question about management, I'm not considering marriage or anything lol)

Anywayz, I guess it feels a bit better that I got all that out of my system...

Ciao for now...

Nikolic goes on to rant about decisions being made over the head of Serbia, and asks, hypothetically, why Serbia had Kosovo torn from it, rather than being offered the Cyprus solution for Kosovo. Nikolic seems to believe that some sort of similarity between the disvision of Cyprus between Greece and Turkey and Serbia controlling Kosovo exists. I won't go into great detail here, but suffice to say that there are some serious differences...perhaps Nikolic should consider that the Greek controlled half is comprised of Greeks, and the Turkish controlled half is made up of Turks. Nikolic needs to face some serious facts, the first being that Kosovo held a referendum on independence. It passed. The people of Kosovo have spoken.

The Serbian Radical Party and Nikolic are trying to put on a better face for the international media and are hoping to make themselves appear more mainstream European in this interview, but I don't buy it. Neither does the Spiegel reporter. When pressed, Nikolic reverts to the same stance that all nationalists do when pressed: he rattles his saber. When asked what would happen if Kosovo tried to join Albania, he responded, "there will be war in Europe." Serbia has a historic right to Kosovo, regardless of what the population voted. When asked about Serbs in Bosnia, however, Nikolic stated that the population there should have a referendum on their status.

War is Peace.

Yes, Nikolic is right. There are good Serbs and there are bad Serbs.

Good Serbs are Bad Serbs.

Con el fin de complementar la información aportada en “Serbia después de Milosevic (2000-2008)” -artículo recientemente publicado en este blog-, me dispongo a escribir sobre los últimos sucesos políticos: las elecciones del pasado 11 de mayo. Sin embargo, vistos los resultados, querría también centrarme en la figura de uno de los grandes derrotados, el líder del PDS Vojislav Kostunica.

Serbia ante la segunda transición

El análisis de los resultados electorales serbios a lo largo de la última década nos permite hablar, en cierto modo, de dos transiciones. El primer cambio político se produjo en Serbia el 6 de octubre de 2000, día en que una revolución popular ponía fin al régimen de Solobodan Milosevic. El segundo ha tenido lugar el pasado 11 de mayo, fecha de las elecciones legislativas. Por primera vez los demócratas del PD (Partido Demócrata) han logrado imponerse a los nacionalistas del PRS (Partido Radical Serbio). El triunfo del actual presidente, Boris Tadic, permite al país mirar hacia delante; y, más en concreto, a Europa. La victoria de su adversario, Tomislav Nikolic, hubiera supuesto lo contrario: rechazar la mano tendida por la Unión Europea en el reciente Acuerdo de Asociación y Estabilización (AAE), y volver, una vez más, a la deriva nacionalista que tanto mal ha traído a Serbia y a sus vecinos.

Los demócratas -Partido Demócrata (PD), Grupo 17 (G17), Partido Democrático de Sandzak (PDS), Liga Socialdemócrata de Voivodina (LSV), Movimiento Serbio de Renovación (MSR)- han alcanzado en los comicios la cifra de 102 escaños sobre un parlamento de 250 diputados [6]. Por su parte, los radicales se sitúan como segunda fuerza política con 77 representantes. En definitiva, una vez más, los de Tadic están obligados a pactar si quieren afianzarse en el gobierno. La alianza con el Partido Demócrata Serbio (PDS) del antiguo primer ministro Vojislav Kostunica parece poco probable. Este, a pesar de sus decepcionantes resultados, mantiene 30 de los 47 escaños obtenidos en las elecciones de 2007. Sin embargo, hemos de recordar que la principal razón de que los serbios hayan vuelto a acudir a las urnas un año después es, precisamente, la falta de entendimiento entre Tadic y Kostunica. Así las cosas, lo más probable es que el PD escoja a grupos más moderados y europeístas como compañeros de viaje. Destaca entre estos el Partido Socialista Serbio (SPS), fundado en su día por Slobodan Milosevic. Estos han sabido modernizarse y librarse del fantasma de su antiguo líder, proceso avalado por su reciente incorporación al grupo de partidos socialdemócratas europeos.

Los serbios han elegido el camino de la reforma en lugar de la vuelta al pasado. Los intentos frustrados que personificaron figuras como Vojislav Kostunica o Zoran Djindjic –primer ministro del PD asesinado en 2003- dejan paso a la decidida actuación de los hombres de Tadic. La consigna es solucionar los problemas del presente mirando al futuro, no al pasado. Dejar de lado “los demonios del nacionalismo exclusivista y agresivo, vendedor de frustraciones, atizador de injustificados e injustificables complejos de superioridad emparejados con victimismos que pretenden legitimar toda clase de reivindicaciones así como los métodos para satisfacerlas” [8]. El objetivo principal es caminar hacia la Unión Europea con la ayuda de Europa, sin “vender”, de antemano (aunque puede que ya esté perdida), la soberanía sobre Kosovo. Serbia deja atrás ocho años –la primera transición- algo frustrantes; un periodo de tiempo en el que no supieron o no quisieron cambiar. Algunos analistas políticos afirman que esa etapa era necesaria, que los serbios no estaban preparados para el cambio en el año 2000. Eso puede ser verdad, pero no es menos cierto que Europa –pendiente actualmente de solucionar el entuerto kosovar- no le tendió la mano entonces con tanta firmeza como lo hace ahora. Se abre una etapa esperanzadora para el país, y los recientes resultados electorales son una buena prueba de que ese gran pueblo está dispuestos a afrontarla con decisión.

El viaje de Kostunica al cementerio de las estatuas

La revolución del años 2000 contra el régimen de Slobodan Milosevic se inventó una figura emblemática: Vojislav Kostunica. Este personaje surgía como un monumento al movimiento opositor; el color dorado del mismo lo ponía el beneplácito occidental. Durante los primeros meses fue el hombre del momento; más tarde se convirtió en la bisagra para gobernar; hoy, al igual que tantos otros, descansa en el cementerio de las estatuas. La Historia está llena de ídolos derrumbados, Kostunica ha sido el último. Tan sólo nos queda dilucidar si la culpa fue suya o de quienes propiciaron su aparición.

militó en las filas del Partido Demócrata (PD) hasta el 1992, año en que abandonó ese grupo para fundar el PDS. Desde ese momento llevó a cabo una encarnizada, aunque poco eficaz, oposición al régimen de Milosevic. Sin embargo, al igual que la mayor parte de los serbios, se dejó arrastras por las ideas nacionalistas de Slobo. Cuando llegó al poder –“héroe por accidente”- pudo ofrecerle a su pueblo la libertad, pero no consiguió librarlos del veneno que el mismo llevaba dentro. Serbia no sólo necesitaba –y necesita- un sistema democrático firme y una economía moderna; el rechazo del nacionalismo radical que había marcado la década anterior era condición sine qua non para el desarrollo del país. Eso Kostunica no lo podía lograr; había llegado al límite de su reformismo. Si me permiten la comparación, les diría que jugó un papel similar al de Carlos Arias Navarro al finalizar el franquismo; llevó a cabo la reforma más radical que podía pergeñar, pero esta era insuficiente.

Kostunica fue estatua de bronce durante el tiempo que supo mantener el consenso entre los grupos políticos serbios. Encandiló a los demócratas con sus indudables convicciones democráticas; y tranquilizó a los nacionalistas con su patriotismo y promesas de no entregar a ninguno de los criminales de guerra serbios. Los problemas surgieron cuando ambos bandos salieron del letargo posrevolucionario. Los demócratas querían ir más rápido con las reformas, y los nacionalistas deseaban volver a un supuesto glorioso pasado. El bronce de la estatua empezó a perder su brillo, y las sucesivas elecciones ponían al descubierto la realidad: el partido de Kostunica era la tercera fuerza política. Había empezado el periodo de la bisagra. El PDS tenía menos votos que demócratas y radicales, pero hacerle la corte era necesario para gobernar. En esta tarea ganaron sus antiguos compañeros del PD.

La cuestión de Kosovo acabó por consumar la ruptura en la alianza entre Vojislav Kostunica y Boris Tadic. El primero se negó a formar parte de un gobierno que mantenía relaciones cordiales con países europeos que reconocían la independencia de esa región. La deriva nacionalista del líder del PDS puso fin a un ejecutivo que apenas llevaba un año al frente de los destinos serbios. Los resultados del 11 de mayo, así como el final de su estatus de bisagra, han condenado a Kostunica a permanecer en el cementerio de las estatuas. Es poco probable que volvamos a verlo en primera línea, aunque nunca se sabe, también Napoleón tuvo su Imperio de los Cien Días.

Bibliografía

[1] La Europa balcánica. Yugoslavia, desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta nuestros días; Ricardo M. Martín de la Guardia y Guillermo A. Pérez Sánchez – Madrid – Síntesis – 1997.

[2] La trampa balcánica; Francisco Veiga – Barcelona – Grijalbo – 2002.

[3] La situación política de Serbia después de las elecciones generales; Mira Milosevich - GEES - 1 de febrero de 2007.

[4] Serbia: Elecciones para la continuidad; Mira Milosevich – GEES - 23 de enero de 2007.

[5] Gobierno de Serbia: entre aceite y agua; Mira Milosevich - GEES - 22 de mayo de 2007.

[6] Las elecciones legislativas en Serbia; Mira Milosevich - GEES - 13 de mayo de 2008.

[7] Los conflictos de los Balcanes a finales del siglo XX; Enrique Fojón -GEES - 18 de septiembre de 2002.

[8] Adiós, Milosevich, no vuelvas; Manuel Coma – GEES - 15 de marzo de 2006.

Iskreno, ne razumem se u politiku i ne želim da zalazim preterano...

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Quasi un regalo di Natale in anticipo...

Feels like an early Christmas!!!

Hago un ligero parón en la serie de artículos que estoy escribiendo sobre la cuestión del Kosovo para centrarme en Serbia, estado del que se ha independizado recientemente. El motivo: las elecciones legislativas celebradas en el país balcánico el domingo 11 de mayo. Mi objetivo al escribir esto es aportar a los lectores una visión resumida de la situación política serbia desde la caída del régimen de Milosevic en octubre del 2000 hasta la víspera de los citados comicios. No descarto publicar más tarde un análisis de los resultados y de sus consecuencias de cara a la posible integración de Serbia en la Unión Europea. No obstante, en el próximo artículo volveré sobre la cuestión kosovar.

De la esperanza sin Slobo, a la decepción tras Slobo

El seis de octubre de 2000 una revolución democrática acababa con el régimen nacionalista de Slobodan Milosevic. Los serbios se levantaron contra el hombre que había conducido al país a cuatro guerras balcánicas (1991-1995) y a un enfrentamiento con la OTAN a causa de los sucesos de Kosovo (1997-1999). Se abría en Serbia un periodo de esperanza, de vuelta al seno de la comunidad internacional. La desaparición del gobernante parecía redimir, cual victima propiciatoria, a todos los miembros de la nación [6]. Una vez más los serbios cayeron en la trampa del mesianismo, de las soluciones fáciles. Primero habían seguido a Slobo en su búsqueda del paraíso nacionalista durante una década de guerras. Cuando este se demostró falso buscaron el Edén perdido entregando al supuesto culpable de esos conflictos. No obstante, las miles de personas que celebraban, aquella tarde de octubre, la apoteosis purificadora en las calles de Belgrado ignoraban la dura realidad que le esperaba al país.

Occidente no pareció conmoverse con las muestras de buena voluntad serbia. El retorno al orden internacional no fue inmediato, y la ayuda económica tardó en llegar. Belgrado, condenado al ostracismo, se acostumbró a ver como la Unión Europea hacía guiños, en incluso admitía en su seno, a los antiguos enemigos (Eslovenia, Croacia y Macedonia). Aunque la caída de Slobodan Milosevic había limpiado algo la imagen de Serbia en el mundo, a ojos de la mayoría seguía llevando el cartelón de culpable, de criminal de guerra. Todos fueron nacionalistas en los conflictos de desintegración yugoslava, todos llevaron a cabo limpiezas étnicas, todos mataron y torturaron, pero sólo los serbios perdieron [3]. Belgrado no tenía aspiraciones y métodos muy distintos a los de Zagreb, Sarajevo o Pristina, el problema fue que no supo vender su causa a los occidentales; le falló la propaganda que tan bien utilizaron sus enemigos [4].

No obstante, sería un error echar sobre los hombros de la desidia europea todo el fracaso de la reinserción serbia. La oportunidad no sólo la perdió Bruselas. Belgrado se empeñó en jugar un doble juego que gustó muy poco en el seno de la Unión: rompió con el pasado, pero no del todo; derrocó al antiguo gobernante, pero no lo entregó a la justicia internacional hasta varios meses después; decía buscar a los genocidas de Srebrenica -Radovan Karadzic y Ratko Mladic- pero nunca había resultados; se sometió a la resolución sobre Kosovo, aunque poniendo unas condiciones inaceptables para los albanokosovares de Ibrahim Rugova. Serbia perdió el tren de la “vuelta a Europa” [1]. No estaba totalmente decidida a tomarlo, y nadie estaba dispuesto a ayudarle a subir.

Ocho años de errática política interna

La situación política del país después de octubre de 2000 parece carecer de dinamismo. Los serbios están paralizados ante un futuro incierto y un pasado que, tal vez erróneamente, perciben como glorioso. Seis años tardaron en modificar la Constitución impuesta por Milosevic, muestra clara de que las reformas democráticas exigidas por Europa han sido lentas e insuficientes [6]. Además, mientras el país se estanca económicamente, la corrupción crece a pasos agigantados. Siendo esta la situación es lógico que durante todos estos años Vojislav Kostunica, bandera de la revolución contra Slobo, haya acabado centrando su discurso el ataque a la incomprensión internacional.

Serbia también parece estar estancada en lo relativo al comportamiento del electorado. Poco han variado los resultados de los pasados comicios de 2007 con respecto a los de 2003; y tampoco se prevén grandes cambio de cara al 11 de mayo. El gobierno del país dependerá una vez más de los pactos. La diferencia con respecto a otras ocasiones es que las rencillas personales y las discrepancias en torno a Kosovo pueden romper las tradicionales alianzas y abrir nuevos caminos en la formación del ejecutivo. Tanto en 2003 como en 2007 el Partido Radical Serbio (PRS), liderado por el nacionalista Tomislav Nikolic, alcanzó la victoria electoral. Sin embargo, la alianza de otros grupos, especialmente el Partido Demócrata (PD) de Borislav Tadic y el Partido Demócrata Serbio (PDS) de Vojislav Kostunica, impidieron que formara gobierno. En esta ocasión, no está claro que se vaya a producir la alianza entre demócratas contra los herederos de Milosevic –los nacionalistas del PRS-, así que la emoción, más que en las urnas, estará en la “diplomacia” posterior.

En los días anteriores a las elecciones los sondeos arrojaban un resultado de empate entre Nikolic y el actual presidente Tadic. Ante esta situación parece que Kostunica volverá a ser el árbitro en la disputa por el poder. Sin embargo, no hay que descartar que algún otro grupo político, del perfil del Partido Liberal Demócrata (PLD) o el Partido Socialista Serbio (PSS), de la campanada. Además, los últimos acontecimientos relacionados con la independencia de Kosovo -mediados de febrero- y el Acuerdo de Asociación y Estabilización (AAE) firmado con la Unión Europea -finales de abril-, pueden tener también importantes repercusiones en las preferencias de los votantes.

Entre Kosovo y la Unión Europea

La demagogia nacionalista ha vuelto al panorama político serbio con motivo de la declaración de independencia por parte de Kosovo. No se sabe hasta que punto es bueno para Serbia seguir mirando al pasado, conservar una región deprimida donde dominan las mafias del narcotráfico; todos parecen tener claro que lo mejor para el desarrollo del país es abandonar el lastre kosovar. Sin embargo, los nacionalismos suelen dejar de lado la razón para lanzarse de lleno a los brazos del sentimiento; y este, en lo referente a los serbios, es muy fuerte cuando se trata de Kosovo, la tierra que vio nacer a la patria. Por esa razón, los políticos del país, aunque saben que la secesión es inevitable e incluso beneficiosa, intuyen que con un “no a la independencia” pueden ganar votos. Esta ha sido a lo largo la campaña la postura de Nikolic y Kostunica; Tadic, garante del europeísmo, no ha querido pronunciarse. Todos saben que si gana venderá Kosovo a cambio del plato de lentejas de la Unión Europea. No obstante ¿acaso sus rivales tienen algo mejor que ofrecer?

El Partido Democrático (PD) del actual presidente no habla de aceptar la situación kosovar, por miedo a perder votos, pero es un hecho que cederá ante las exigencias internacionales. Sin duda alguna se repetirá una escena similar a la de la entrega de Slobodan Milosevic al Tribunal de La Haya. También en esa ocasión fue Tadic, en contra de la voluntad de Kostunica, el que cedió ante la comunidad internacional. Desde mi punto de vista, es la decisión más inteligente. A día de hoy, Serbia puede aceptar las cosas por las buenas o por las malas; recibir una recompensa que le permita desarrollarse e integrarse de lleno en Europa, o encerrarse en sí misma, en la intoxicación nacionalista inventada por Slobo [9]; puede subirse de nuevo al tren, o quedarse al margen.

Europa parece haber apostado de nuevo por Serbia. El ostracismo al que nos referíamos anteriormente ha desaparecido, si bien por motivos interesados: la solución del conflicto kosovar. Las autoridades europeas se ha implicado hasta tal punto que, aunque no sea oficial, pone la victoria de Tadic como condición sine qua non para la futura integración de Serbia en la Unión. La firma, en plena campaña electoral, del Acuerdo de Asociación y Estabilización (AAE) entre el ministro de asuntos exteriores serbio, Vuc Jeremic, y los representantes de la UE, es la mejor muestra de ello. En las próximas semanas veremos los derroteros que va tomando la cuestión balcánica. Serbia puede dirigirse rumbo a Europa o convertir a “Milosevic en un nuevo Cid; un hombre que gana batallas después de muerto. Su mito puede seguir manteniendo a sus paisanos lejos del premio europeo” [9].

Bibliografía

[1] Postguerra. Una historia de Europa desde 1945; Tony Judt – Madrid – Taurus -2006.

[2] La Europa balcánica. Yugoslavia, desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta nuestros días; Ricardo M. Martín de la Guardia y Guillermo A. Pérez Sánchez – Madrid – Síntesis – 1997.

[3] La trampa balcánica; Francisco Veiga – Barcelona – Grijalbo – 2002.

[4] La situación política de Serbia después de las elecciones generales; Mira Milosevich - GEES - 1 de febrero de 2007.

[5] Serbia: Elecciones para la continuidad; Mira Milosevich – GEES - 23 de enero de 2007.

[6] ¿Un nuevo Trianon?; Mira Milosevich - GEES - 16 de octubre de 2006.

[7] Gobierno de Serbia: entre aceite y agua; Mira Milosevich - GEES - 22 de mayo de 2007.

[8] Los conflictos de los Balcanes a finales del siglo XX; Enrique Fojón -GEES - 18 de septiembre de 2002.

[9] Adiós, Milosevich, no vuelvas; Manuel Coma – GEES - 15 de marzo de 2006.

Desde Noviembre del 2007 hemos seguido, a través de las noticias públicada en el Diario El País, el último capítulo del conflicto kosovar: La secesión de Kosovo.

El 17 de Febrero del 2008 Kosovo consiguió su ansiado objetivo, ser independiente. Su historia es larga y manchada de sangre, sangre de las víctimas de un conflicto que puede que haya escrito su última etapa.

Pero hay cuestiones que resolver para poder entender la situación de este pequeño Estado europeo:

• ¿Por qué Serbia se opone frontalmente a la independencia de esta provincia?
• ¿Por qué Kosovo no puede ejercer el derecho de autodeterminación como hizo en su día recientemente Montenegro?
• ¿Por qué los serbios consideran a kosovo como la cuna de su cultura?
• ¿Por qué esta provincia está habitada mayoritariamente por albaneses?
• ¿Por qué España no reconoce al nuevo Estado?
• ¿Por qué Rusia se opone mientras que Estados Unidos y la UE son proclives a reconocer la soberania kosovar?

Para resolver estas cuestiones para a realizar un repaso por la historia de esta zona de los Balcánes:

El problema de Kosovo es que no es una antigua república Yugoslava, como lo fueron Montenegro, Croacia, Eslovenia, Macedonia o Bosnia; sino una provincia serbia y por lo tanto no puede ejercer el derecho de autodeterminación como recientemente hizo Montenegro para convertirse en un país independiente. No obstante la mayoría aplastante de la población es albanesa y quiere la independencia, esto ha sido un factor importante para que la UE apruebe la secesión, así como para estabilizar una zona ya de por si bastante convulsa. Rusia, tradicional aliado de Serbia y ortodoxa también rechaza de plano la secesión ya que lo considera un peligroso precedente para otros territorios separatistas. Este ha sido el principal argumento de muchos países para no reconocer al nuevo Estado, entre ellos España

PD: Agradecer a Ramón Lobo y Ricardo M. de Rituerto sin cuyos artículos este blog no sería posible

Stesso esito dei connazionali ma molto più netto, quello decretato dai serbi vicentini, recatisi domenica alle urne di Arzignano per la seconda tornata delle presidenziali.

Sicura infatti, anche se non schiacciante, la riconferma di Boris Tadic alla presidenza del Governo della Repubblica Serba. S’è imposto con il 50,5 percento delle preferenze totali, battendo il candidato radicale Tomislav Nikolic, che ha già ammesso la sconfitta, fermo al 47,9 percento. Una vittoria significativa per il governo di Belgrado e per il parlamento di Bruxelles, dato che la conferma della guida democratica dovrebbe consentire rinnovamento per il paese e maggior apertura verso l’Unione Europea. Ad Arzignano, come detto, i serbi si sono schierati ancor più largamente a favore di Tadic, che ha raggiunto il 56,5 percento dei voti: 196 le schede a suo favore, 151 quelle per Nikolic. L’affluenza, che alla prima tornata s’era fermata attorno al 26 percento, è lievemente migliorata: pur restando ancora parecchio sotto il 66,5 percento registrato in Serbia, ha raggiunto il 33,4 percento. 347 voti totali che si sono rivelati decisivi, dato che la vittoria finale di Tadic è stata assegnata con uno scarto di centomila schede circa.

Mr Tadic wants to push forward his European integration agenda

Serbia's pro-Western president, Boris Tadic, has won a second round election run-off against nationalist challenger Tomislav Nikolic, who conceded defeat. Mr Tadic was re-elected by more than 50% of voters in a contest that saw a high voter turnout.

Car horns could be heard around Belgrade as Tadic supporters took to the streets of the Serbian capital to celebrate the victory.

The election was seen as a referendum on Serbia's relations with Europe.

"Serbia has shown its great democratic potential," said Mr Tadic said in his victory speech, in which he lauded Mr Nikolic for his performance in the knife-edge contest, and said the country still had hard work ahead.

E’ arrivato il giorno del ballottaggio che decreterà il prossimo capo del Governo della Repubblica Serba. Si vota ancora ad Arzignano, nel seggio di via Cappuccini, dove quindici giorni fa i serbi residenti nella provincia di Vicenza si sono recati alle urne per le elezioni presidenziali.

Saranno poco più di un migliaio gli aventi diritto di voto (su 20.000 serbi che vivono in provincia), e non c’è stato niente da fare per il centinaio di cittadini presentatisi ad Arzignano con la speranza di poter esprimere la propria preferenza, ma bloccati causa la mancata iscrizione nei registri elettorali del consolato di Trieste. Alcuni problemi burocratici, com’era prevedibile, impediranno loro di votare anche in questa seconda tornata, quella decisiva. Il seggio di San Rocco sarà aperto dalle ore 7 alle ore 20. “Ci auguriamo una maggiore affluenza rispetto a due settimane fa”. Dice Nikola Pavlovic, membro della commissione scrutinatrice e presidente dell’associazione serba di Arzignano. “In Serbia si prevede un’affluenza record vicina al 70 percento, speriamo che qui da noi si possa fare molto meglio rispetto al misero 26 percento dei votanti contati il 20 febbraio. Il Sindaco Fracasso inoltre, ha fatto sapere di una sua visita nella giornata di domenica”. A contendersi il governo di Belgrado saranno il radicale Tomislav Nikolic e l’attuale presidente serbo, il democratico Boris Tadic, che avevano raccolto circa il 39 e 36 percento dei voti. A Vicenza i risultati furono invertiti: il 50 percento dei serbi aveva votato per Tadic, mentre Nikolic aveva raccolto solo il 33 percento.

This is just a step towards uniting Europe (the really big push forward can only come from the EU itself: sadly, the Netherlands of Srebrenica memory are among those refusing to play fair, at the moment, together with Belgium and its inability to do much about the Rwanda genocide).

Still, a Tadic victory goes (would go) in the right direction.

la segunda vuelta en 15 dias, sera el 3 de Febrero.